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Defunding the Myths and Cults of
Cold War Canada:
Ongoing state support for East European
émigré groups with deep fascist roots

(Collaborators, Crusades and Coverups in an era of “truth and reconciliation”)

Issue #70, Press for Conversion! (Spring 2021)
of the
Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade (COAT)
Read a summary of this issue            See articles on the state funding of fascist-linked groups

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Defunding Cold War Canada

Table of Contents

Canada’s anti-Red, Cold War propaganda in context
L.B.Pearson: Godfather of Cda’s Cold War on the new "Red" enemy
Pearson College and NATO’s United World Colleges
The CBC’s “Voice of Canada” --  Weapon of Cold War propaganda
‘Voice of America’ & the CIA’s ‘Radio Free Europe’ & “Radio Liberty’
L.B.Pearson: Groomed by King, St. Laurent & the ‘Big antiRed Machine'
Mackenzie King gave shocking praise for Hitler until the eve of war in 1939
Liberal immigration: "None is too many" and Too many is not enough
Why did King have such adoring admiration for Nazi Germany's dictator?
King loved Hitler’s hate speech against “Jewish international Bolshevism”

“Captive Nations” and their "Black-Ribbon-Day" crusade
The ignored historical context of “Black Ribbon Day” (Aug. 23, 1939)
“Captive Nations”: Nazi trope to CIA meme to Cold-War trump card
The “Captive Nations” conceit in Nazi propaganda
John Diefenbaker: Strong voice at the UN for “Captive Nations” bloc
The BRD campaign: Canada’s top Cold War propaganda export
The late Cold War context of the BRD crusade
Ongoing propaganda of the former "Captive Nations":
    (1) Canada’s anti-communism monument and (2) the Magnitsky laws

Far-right roots:
East European émigré groups in Canada & abroad

Estonian Central Council in Canada
   Estonia glorifies Nazi veterans as ‘freedom fighters’
Estonian World Council
Lithuanian Canadian Community and the Lithuanian World Community
   Lithuanian nationalists now have 'freedom' to glorify Nazi heritage
Latvian National Federation in Canada
World Federation of Free Latvians
Slovak World Congress and the Canadian Slovak League
Council of Free Czechoslovakia & Czechoslovak Nat'l Assoc. of Cda.

Ukrainian linchpin of Cda’s postwar, far-right diaspora
Krakow and Ottawa, 1940: "A Tale of Two Cities," and two UCCs:
(1) Germany’s Ukrainian Central Cttee. and (2) Canada's Ukrainian Canadian Cttee.

The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations & World AntiCommunist League
Yaroslav Stetsko: Leader of proNazi Ukraine, 1941

State-funded centres of Canada’s Bandera cult and its Bandera youth
Roman Shukhevych: Assassin, terrorist, war criminal and cult hero

Getting them young: Instilling Ukrainian patriotism in children and youth
Plast recruited for Nazi’s Waffen SS Galicia; now recruits for Ukraine
From Chomiak to Freeland: “keep that flame alive”
Chrystia Freeland: “Accidental journalist” or groomed for the job?
Myron Kuropas: Downplaying Holocaust; Exaggerating Holodomor
Turning from same page: Freeland wrote for pro-fascist publications
Yuri Shymko: From Bandera youth leader, MPP & MP, to elder statesman
Lisa Shymko: In the footsteps of family, community & far-right, war heroes
Rubbing political shoulders with the ABN in Toronto

The struggle continues...                                            Abridged Index

From Chomiak to Freeland: “keep that flame alive”

Close parallels and conflicts of interest
in advocacy journalism

By Richard

(Click here for a PDF to see this article as it appears in print)

At the launch of
their media careers, both Michael Chomiak and Chrystia Freeland had conflicts of interest at turning points in world history when the USSR fought existential threats.

An inability to remain objective about Ukrainian nationalism accelerated their
rise to become influential gatekeepers for Russophobic/antiRed mass media.

As a teen, in the late Cold War era of Reagan’s 1980s, Chrystia Freeland began her journalism career with jobs for two far-right Ukrainian-Canadian publications in which her maternal grandfather, Michael Chomiak, had also been deeply involved.  Both used the same Cold War memes about "captive nations" that had been popularized by wartime fascists.  While these were likely the last publications on which Chomiak worked, they were Freeland’s first known jobs. The highly-charged, rightwing milieu of these workplaces must have helped to shape her worldview, and to hone her skills as a propagandist eager to aid the cause of antiSoviet, Ukrainian nationalism.

She was guided along this path not only by her mother’s family, whose patriarch (Chomiak) was the Nazi’s top Ukrainian news propagandist, but by teachers, the Ukrainian Catholic church and such militantly patriotic groups as Plast. (See also.)

Chomiak had also been steeped in the biased, advocacy journalism of ultrapatriotic Ukrainian culture. Both began their youthful media careers when thrown headlong into extraordinary historical events that riveted ethnonationalist aspirations. Being in the right place at the right time, they both received widespread public acclaim by serving their community’s interests. Their public fame, aided by outside political forces that ruthlessly exploited Ukrainian nationalism, allowed them to become media gatekeepers editing large news enterprises.

In Freeland’s case, in her early 20s, she was simultaneously a student, political activist and journalist in Lviv, and was fully engaged in Ukraine’s final NATO-backed battle to separate from the USSR. Chomiak too had been a student and journalist in Ukraine on the nationalist beat. While studying law at Lviv University (1930-31), Chomiak wrote for Dilo (Deed), the top daily paper in Galicia, southwest Ukraine. Later, he worked on its editorial staff (1934-39).1

His work included covering at least one terrorism trial of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). To gain Ukraine’s independence, the fascist OUN assassinated Polish politicians. While on Dilo’s staff, said scholar John Paul Himka, Chomiak worked for a Lviv law "firm that handled one of the famous OUN assassination cases." While Chomiak’s articles "made him a famous cub reporter,"2 said Himka (who as Chomiak’s son in law, is Freeland’s uncle), he had a conflict of interest.

How could he write unbiased news about such trials when, as an intern trying to pass the bar, he was beholden to a law firm defending terrorists? His objectivity was also tainted by the Ukrainian nationalist struggle with which he so closely identified.

Freeland too was in a major conflict of interest. The widely-accepted narrative is that she was an "accidental journalist"3 who, in 1990, suddenly began her meteoric rise through some of the world’s largest media firms. This legend, created by Freeland herself, neglects mention of her deep involvement in the divisive, partisan fight to sever Ukraine from the USSR. In early 1989, when her political meddling hit the news, she signalled her intent to enter mainstream journalism and hinted at her conflict of interest. "Freeland says her political activism," reported Don Retson, "may not make her an ideal journalist."4

Freeland’s legend still neglects mention of her work for far-right propaganda organs in Canada, the US and Europe. These Ukrainian nationalist and CIA-linked enterprises were the early steps in her career. Freeland’s skill in feigning objectivity allowed her to become a beloved darling of corporate media, which remains as entrenched in Russophobic/pro-NATO rhetoric as it was throughout the Cold War.

The right place, the right time and the ultraright ideology

Freeland’s media career benefited from her extremely anticommunist and Russophobic views. These ideologies were valuable assets for candidates seeking work in the Western media. And, being in Soviet Ukraine during the final battle of the Cold War, put her in the right place at just the right time. Beginning in about 1990, Freeland assisted billionaire George Soros in his efforts to influence Ukrainian politics. At that time, Soros began funding the CIA-created propaganda network—Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty—which assisted her entrée into mainstream media.

A main goal of the nationalist, anti-Soviet Ukrainian media for which both Chomiak and Freeland worked in the 1980s, was Ukraine’s independence. Since WWII, Ukraine had been a frontline battleground for NATO Cold Warriors and their propagandists. Their ambition to destroy the USSR and communism in general, had previously been a central goal of the Nazis and their fascist Ukrainian allies.

After WWII, recognising that the "nationalities issue" was a key weakness of the multicultural USSR, the CIA recruited Ukrainian nationalists linked to terrorism and Nazism. A now-declassified, CIA document states that its OUN allies

participated in terrorist activities against Polish officials before the war, and Ukrainian nationalists allied themselves with their Nazi ‘liberators’ ... in 1941.5

The CIA’s covert military and psychological-war programs used Ukrainian nationalism as a wedge to divide and conquer the USSR. Secret CIA programs included those code-named QRDynamic, QRPlumb, AeroDynamic and AECassowary. The Agency’s website has over 4,500 links to formerly-secret and top-secret files on these programs alone.6 These and other files on Ukrainian nationalists’ links to the CIA, were released through the Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act (1998). The CIA says their release sheds

important historical light on the Holocaust and other war crimes, as well as the US Government’s involvement with war criminals during the Cold War. It further enhances public confidence in government transparency.7 (Emphasis added.)

But the CIA invested its "confidence" not in "transparency" but in the Nazi’s East European collaborators, especially Ukrainians. These fascist, US allies were trusted assets in many covert actions against the USSR. Because Canada was the world’s prime place of refuge for antiSoviet Ukrainians after WWII, more than 500 CIA weblinks on the four secret projects mentioned above, make reference to Canada.8

Keeping Chomiak’s "flame alive"

After fleeing the Red Army three times, Chomiak ended his wartime career when the Nazis could no longer protect their Ukrainian propaganda efforts. But, after fleeing to Canada in 1948, Chomiak was again free to propagate the nationalist brand of Ukrainian culture to which he was accustomed. Knowing of his work as a Nazi propagandist, Freeland said his wartime experiences

had a very big effect on me .... [He] was committed to the idea ... that Ukraine would one day be independent and that the community had a responsibility to the country they had been forced to flee ... to keep that flame alive.9

Once in Canada, Chomiak attended Ukrainian Catholic church with Freeland and worked with Nazi-allied Ukrainian veterans groups, like the Waffen SS Galicia and Bandera’s OUN(B) army. He also supported Plast and the Banderite-led UCC, which Freeland still keenly supports. These factors helped set the course for her to become a darling of the corporate press. Later, by building on this media work, Freeland launched her political career. During her meteoric rise to Deputy PM, Freeland has come to symbolise Canada’s extremely Russophobic and anticommunist policies. As such, her maternal grandfather would surely have been as proud of her efforts as she is of his.


References and notes

1. Ukrainian Archival Records at the Prov. Archives of Alberta, 2018, p.17.

2. John Paul Himka, personal communication with Richard Sanders, Jan. 25, 2017.

Official Form, Military Government of Germany, October 2, 1946. Alberta Prov. Archives Michael Chomiak fond, 85.191, box 2, file 20. and

(Thanks to Pawel Markiewicz for this source and to Christian Manser for translating it.)

3. Rebecca Wetherbee, "The Accidental Journalist: Financial Times U.S. Managing Editor Chrystia Freeland tells how to survive the economic crunch...," Little Pink Book, May 20, 2013.

4. Don Retson, "Student ‘glasnost’ chilly," Edmonton Journal, May 20, 1989.

5. Kevin Ruffner, "Cold War Allies: Origins of CIA’s Relationship with Ukrainian Nationalists," Fifty Years of the CIA, 1998, p.27.

6. Google search of CIA website for these four Ukraine-related programs

7. These US records on Nazis "include operational files of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) totalling 1.2 million pages, and 114,200 pages of CIA material." (The OSS was the CIA’s wartime precursor.)

8. Search of CIA website for references to Canada in these programs’ files.

9. Linda Diebel, "How Chrystia Freeland became Justin Trudeau’s first star," Toronto Star, November 29, 2015.

Learn more....  You may also be interested in these resources...

Click to read the contents of this magazine online

Captive Canada
Renditions of the
Peaceable Kingdom at War,
from Narratives of WWI
and the Red Scare to the
Mass Internment of Civilians

(Or, how we learned to stop worrying,
keep calm and carry on loving the
myths that define and confine us.)


Read the introductory article:
"The Canada Syndrome,
a Captivating Mass Psychosis

Click to read the contents of this magazine online

Fictive Canada
Indigenous Slaves
and the Captivating Narratives
of a Mythic Nation

Read the i
ntroductory article:
True Crime Stories and
the Politics of Literary Escapism:
Canada as a Fiction in the
Imperial Genre


Watch the COAT website
for news about....

  (1) an upcoming book
by Richard Sanders

with the
  working title...

The Grooming
of a Liberal
War Hawk
Chrystia Freeland

Stop Canadian government
funding of groups that
glorify Nazi collaborators

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