Freeland joined Edmonton’s Plast troop in 1977. That year, her mother, Halyna Chomiak Freeland, another intensely passionate Ukrainian nationalist, separated from her nonUkrainian husband and left Peace River, Alberta. Upon moving to Edmonton, Chrystia Freeland could become much closer to her mother’s father, Michael Chomiak (aka Mykhailo Khomiak), his other children and to their extended families. Chomiak had been the Nazi’s top Ukrainian-language news propagandist in Europe throughout WWII. Upon coming to Canada after the war he became deeply involved in Edmonton’s Ukrainian community, which makes up 14% of the city’s total population.3

Her move to Edmonton was a turning point in Freeland’s life because she became immersed in that community’s ubiquitous, Ukrainian enculturation programs. Besides joining Plast, she began classes in two Ukrainian education programs: Alberta’s government-funded, bilingual Ukrainian-English public school system, and the Ukrainian community’s ultrapatriotic, nationalist "Saturday schools."

At age 11, in 1979, Chrystia was interviewed by her mother’s brother, Bohdan Chomiak, son of Michael, for a nationalist Ukrainian newspaper, Student, which has been distributed to Ukrainian youth in universities across Canada since the late 1960s. Her uncle Bohdan asked Chrystia to compare the two Ukrainian education programs in which she was enrolled. She replied that

While this may be Freeland’s first appearance in print media, four members of her family (the children of Michael Chomiak) were involved in Student for about a decade. Her uncle Bohdan Chomiak had been on its staff (1972, 1978-80) and was a frequent contributor during the 1970s.5 His aunts (Chrystia, Natalka and Halyna Chomiak) were also active in the magazine. Freeland’s aunt, Chrystia Chomiak, edited issues of Student (1969-70) and was involved in organising, producing and publishing it (1973-74).6 Natalka Chomiak wrote for Student and worked for its publishers (1972-74), the Ukrainian Canadian Students Union (SUSK).7 Chrystia Freeland’s mother, Halyna Chomiak Freeland, also wrote for Student. In her late 20s in 1974, she penned an article giving insights into childhood "pressures" from her parents (Alexandra and Mykhailo) and the Ukrainian community:

Halyna who went into law, like her father Michael Chomiak, moved to Ukraine to help draft its postSoviet constitution (1992-2002). Her work there was funded by George Soros.9

Chomiak’s children and grandchildren could not help but be deeply affected by the belief system in which they were all but totally immersed. From an early age, they were inculcated into nationalistic Ukrainian culture not only by family and friends, Ukrainian schools and Plast, but by a myriad of other nationalist groups and the cultural events and activities that they organised. The Ukrainian Catholic church was also influential. As Freeland said of her mother, "when we were growing up, she insisted my sister and I go to church every Sunday with our grandfather."10

From childhood on, Freeland’s enculturation into the cause of Ukrainian nationalism was practically inescapable. It is little wonder then that as an adult, her commitment and dedication to this cause has been relentless. Aided by her intelligence, her command of language, her extreme confidence and personal chutzpah, Freeland became an outspoken voice promoting the mythic narratives of Ukrainian nationalism. Her grandfather would surely have been proud of her skills as a mass media news propagandist, and as a politician implementing the Russophobic and antisocialist policies that dominate their community.

Freeland has also passed on the tradition to her own family. She has for example involved her children in a Toronto festival which is likely the world’s largest Ukrainian nationalist event outside Ukraine. (The local branch of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) has received $667,000 since 2009 to organize this event.11) In 2013, when Freeland was the Liberal Party’s "star candidate" running for parliament, she was honoured to be the festival’s Parade Marshal. Heading the parade were a boy and girl in traditional Ukrainian dress carrying the event’s official banner. Then came veterans bearing the flags of Ukraine, Canada, the US and NATO. Behind them was a military-style band with 40 uniformed youth marching in formation. Next in line was Freeland waving from a vintage white Cadillac with her young children.  Another military-style band soon marched by with 60 uniformed members12 of the UYA. This affiliate of the League of Ukrainian Canadians represents the OUN(B) faction of Ukrainian nationalists. As such, these Bandera youth are taught to hail their fascist war hero with cult-like reverence.

Toronto’s Ukrainian Festival has everything to be expected from these annual family events: music, dancing, food, and politicians from all levels of government and Canada’s three largest political parties. It has also permitted fundraising for a far-right paramilitary group whose street fighters are known for brutal violence in Ukraine. Toronto’s 2014 Ukrainian Festival allowed Right Sector Canada to raise money to buy military equipment for their fighters in Ukraine. CBC’s TV news showed Right Sector’s table with images of Bandera.13 That year’s festival received a $99,700 Canadian government handout.14

In 2016, when Freeland marched with her children in this Ukrainian parade, Right Sector Canada marched close behind them. Among them, Ukrainian youth carried a banner bearing a large portrait of Bandera. The red and black battle flag of his Ukrainian Insurgent Army was held high.15 To hold that year’s parade, UCC-Toronto received $58,200 in federal government funds.16

As usual, Toronto’s 2016 parade enjoyed the avid participation of Ukrainian nationalist groups which glorify fascist army formations that collaborated with the Nazis. In this annual display of Ukrainian patriotism, hundreds of children and youth were joined by politicians (representing the Conservatives, Liberals and NDP), veterans, Ukraine’s Ambassador to Canada (Andriy Shevchenko), and uniformed members of the Bandera youth movement who filed by in-step behind the UYA marching band (Baturyn). (This band played at a celebration of Bandera's 100th birthday in Munich, Germany, in 2009.) The parade also featured such young role models as Miss Teenage Canada and Miss Ukraine Toronto. Children from Ukrainian schools and uniformed members of Toronto’s Plast troop also took part.17

This Toronto festival and similar events continue to demonstrate that Canada’s far-right Ukrainian diaspora is alive and well. This ethnonationalist community continues to thrive thanks in no small part to ongoing government funding that has funneled millions in grants to their right-wing member groups and events.

Thanks to state generosity, Canada’s Ukrainian nationalists have been able to foster their cultural traditions, beliefs and narratives through the ritualistic inculcation of children and youth. Dominated by anticommunist groups with fascist roots, this community’s young have not been made aware that some of their most highly-revered wartime heroes, organizations and movements were deeply engaged in collaborating with the Nazis. Those raised in this amnesic cultural milieu are proud to carry this flame of Ukrainian nationalism and to pass it on to future generations, just as it was passed—with government assistance—to them.